Michigan U.S. Senate Republican candidate Mike Rogers (2026 cycle) has collected nearly $4.7 million from contributors whose names appear within the released Jeffrey Epstein documents.
Rogers has indeed accepted campaign financial support from individuals referenced in the Epstein records.
Contrary to how the claim is framed, the vast majority of these funds were brought in during the 2024 race rather than the 2026 campaign. Additionally, most of this money went to independent political action committees backing Rogers, not directly to his official campaign coffers.
Merely appearing in the Epstein files does not prove any unlawful behavior. There is zero evidence indicating whether these donors were aware of or involved in Epstein’s illegal actions, nor has any wrongdoing been established.
In September 2026, social media posts began circulating alleging that Michigan Republican U.S. Senate candidate Mike Rogers had pulled in close to $4.7 million from backers tied to the federal investigation of late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
The narrative was widely circulated on X, Threads, and Facebook (screenshot), with some assertions that at least seven of Rogers’ financial backers possessed connections to Epstein. Abdul El-Sayed, Rogers’ Democratic opponent, also amplified the rumor.
While the statement is technically accurate on the surface, it lacks critical context.
The narrative stems from an investigative report by the Detroit Metro Times, a progressive publication, carrying the headline, “Donors named in Epstein files gave nearly $4.7 million to Mike Rogers and groups backing him.”
According to the article, Stephen Schwarzman, chief executive and co-founder of investment firm Blackstone, contributed $4.5 million throughout 2024 to a super PAC supporting Rogers. Under federal law, super PACs can accept unlimited contributions but are legally barred from coordinating their expenditures with candidate campaigns. Schwarzman also made smaller direct donations to Rogers’ Senate bids between 2023 and 2025.
Verification confirmed Schwarzman’s contribution totals and his presence in the Epstein documents. However, as the original reporting noted, no evidence points to direct contact between Schwarzman and Epstein, and federal prosecutors have never accused Schwarzman of any related misconduct.
The remaining six contributors who made up the rest of the funds had varying degrees of proximity to Epstein, yet no documentation suggests they participated in or had knowledge of his crimes.
Regarding El-Sayed, investigators found no evidence that individuals listed in the Epstein files directly funded his campaign. However, two figures with marginal references in the papers did direct funds to a super PAC aligned with El-Sayed.
Rogers’ campaign spokesperson, Alyssa Brouillet, emphasized Rogers’ background tackling human trafficking with the FBI, calling any attempt to link him to criminal activity “insulting and patently false” in an email statement.
Schwarzman’s Financial Contributions
Federal Election Commission records show that Schwarzman routed three separate contributions totaling $4.5 million to GLCF, Inc.: $2 million in June 2024, $1 million in August 2024, and $1.5 million in September 2024.
GLCF stands for the Great Lakes Conservatives Fund, a super PAC dedicated exclusively to backing Rogers, per OpenSecrets, a nonpartisan campaign finance tracking organization.
A FEC database review regarding Schwarzman’s direct giving shows the billionaire also provided at least $13,600 to his official campaign committee, “Rogers for Senate,” alongside $7,000 in 2025 to joint fundraising vehicle “Team Rogers.” Additionally, he gave $5,000 to “MR PAC” (Michigan’s Resurgence PAC), utilized by Rogers to assist other political candidates.
(Federal Election Commission)
Schwarzman and the Epstein Documents
Schwarzman’s surname appears multiple times across the Epstein files. One record features an email invitation sent to Epstein for a 2015 cocktail reception celebrating the launch of the film “The Imitation Game,” organized on behalf of Schwarzman and others. Another correspondence shows Epstein referring to Schwarzman as “terrific” after telling an associate that partnering with Blackstone could prove advantageous.
However, none of these documents demonstrate that Schwarzman and Epstein ever met face-to-face. While no verified photos of the two together exist, an authentic image captures the Blackstone chief executive talking with Epstein associate Ghislaine Maxwell during a New York gala.
In a statement issued to media outlets, a representative for Schwarzman labeled it “categorically false and grossly irresponsible to claim or imply that Steve had any relationship with this despicable individual.”
The representative clarified that Epstein did not participate in the 2015 cocktail event, noting that the invitation was distributed via an outside public relations agency handling the film’s distribution rather than Schwarzman himself.
The identical PR agency also invited Epstein to a separate
Other Contributors Linked to the Files
Additional individuals listed in the Epstein records who contributed to Rogers’ political efforts between 2023 and 2025 include:
- Marc Rowan, CEO of Apollo Global Management: $25,000 to GLCF, $14,000 to campaign committees, and $7,000 to Team Rogers
- Ronald Lauder, Estée Lauder heir: $3,300 to the 2024 Senate run
- John Catsimatidis, retail grocery billionaire: $13,600 to Rogers for Senate
- Joseph Baratta, Blackstone executive: $10,300 to Rogers for Senate
- Howard Lorber, real estate executive: $5,693 to Rogers for Senate
- John W. Childs, private equity investor: $8,530 to Rogers for Senate, $60,000 to GLCF, and $12,000 to Team Rogers
Among these individuals, Rowan and Lauder display the most extensive documented interactions with Epstein.
Rowan coordinated a breakfast at Epstein’s residence and maintained routine contact between 2013 and 2016. Documentation indicates Lauder and Epstein scheduled various meetings in 2017, including lunches and a museum visit. Lauder’s name also appears on joint art purchasing agreements that Epstein seemingly facilitated.
In an email, an Apollo Global Management representative pointed toward a Feb. 18, 2026, press release detailing an internal review into Apollo’s connections to Epstein, which rejected the notion that Rowan held “either a business or personal relationship with Jeffrey Epstein.”
Business Insider reported that Catsimatidis appeared in a 1997 address book belonging to Epstein. Catsimatidis stated he encountered Epstein once via an acquaintance during the 1990s and never interacted with him again, though noting Epstein attempted to reach out “once or twice.”
Epstein stated in a 2016 email that
Most references to a “Joseph Baratta” in the Department of Justice files actually point to a lawyer by the name of Joseph P. Baratta, rather than Blackstone executive Joseph A. Baratta. While a couple of entries mention the executive, they do not indicate any personal relationship.
“Joe has absolutely no relationship with him, and it would be outrageous and patently false to suggest otherwise,” remarked a representative for Baratta.
Lorber is mentioned in connection with potential real estate transactions considered by Epstein, as well as a proposed “war council” aimed at advising Donald Trump following the Russia investigation. There is no evidence this council ever came to fruition.
Similarly, DOJ documentation contains financial logs tied to Childs, but lists no direct correspondence between Childs and Epstein.
In February 2019, Childs faced solicitation charges during a human trafficking enforcement operation in Florida, which he contested. The charges were ultimately dismissed in 2020 with his record expunged after courts found the prosecution violated Fourth Amendment privacy protections.
The Takeaway
Rogers and supportive political committees did indeed accept millions from contributors named in the Epstein files, driven primarily by Blackstone co-founder Stephen Schwarzman. Nevertheless, inclusion in the documents does not prove an individual was aware of or complicit in Epstein’s criminal enterprises. The public releases have included unsubstantiated claims, newsletter subscriptions, and ordinary commercial activities such as property maintenance invoices.